Monday, February 28, 2011

What International Broadcasting and the NFL Have in Common


For those who follow the NFL, the Jets-Patriots game was arguably the most compelling story line of the post season. All of the trash-talking in the media made the game so much better. While no one can “prove” that the Jets' trash-talking affected the outcome of the game, it got into the Pats' head. Wes Welker was uncharacteristically verbose and his coach benched him for the first series. Jets Coach Rex Ryan has a lot teach US officials, such as Walter Issacson, about international broadcasting.

Issacson, BBG chairman, says the “free flow of information will promote forces of tolerance and democracy.”[1] Certainly, an important element of IB is the transmitting of values. But values are but a thin veneer over the essential nature of IB At its core, though, IBis not that different from the swaggering, expletive-laden locker-room interviews and press conferences of the NFL. Teams talk up their skills and personal because if their opponents start thinking “hey those guys really are good” then the battle is already over. Similarly, nations want to extol their own values virtues and greatness to convince others of their own inferiority.

Furthermore, broadcasting on enemy countries shortcomings such as crime problems or poverty is really just a more sophisticated version of a meat-headed rant against another player. By getting into the opponent’s head, you make him question himself, disrupt his thought process, and make him engage in self-destructive behavior.

In light of these similarities, any compelling explanation of international broadcasting must recognize it as a tool of psychological warfare, not far removed from real conflict.


[1] Celebrating 60 Years of RFE , Remarks by Walter Isaacson, Chairman, Broadcasting Board of Governors, President/CEO, Aspen Institute. 9/28/10, Washington, D.C>


Photo Credit: deadspin.com

Public Broadcasting on the Chopping Block...is the BBG Next?

So much going on, so much to think about, where does one begin when blogging?

As a former dance critic for public radio, I am saddened by the proposed congressional budget cuts to eliminate all funding for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. I know it's politics, and we have a Republican-controlled Congress that whines that their perspectives are not voiced much at all on public radio. That may be true, and quite frankly that's probably why I like to tune in. I don't hear Rush Limbaugh. I don't hear Glenn Beck. I do hear Diane Rehm. I like to listen to Kojo Nnamdi. I feel at home with these probing, open and liberal public radio perspectives.

We've been talking a lot about credibility in class, and when you talk about the voice of reason, I think some of the best, most credible journalism I've heard coming out of the U.S. has been from public radio sources. The public radio brand is worth more than all of the commercially-run U.S. stations combined. The only time I really want to string em up is during membership campaigns, but hey, most of their funding does come from private donors. They don't have much choice. But I can live with that, and Í have even decided to donate, to continue to get interesting, thoughtful perspectives on local, national and world events.

In the international sphere, what do we have that has even half its weight in credibility of that of a good public radio station?

In the report to the members of the Committee on Foreign Relations entitled, U.S. International Broadcasting: Is Anybody Listening? Keeping the U.S. Connected," on page four there is an effort to put critics at bay who say that those opposed to U.S. policy are sometimes allowed to air their views without any rebuttal, but defending the BBG for airing such perspectives as a way of showing both sides of an argument. This discussion demonstrates the essential credibility problem of the BBG family of international broadcasting entities--they feel forced to air only pro-U.S. views in order ot receive continued support in Congress. However, by trying to only air the positive and feeling compelled to rebutt every criticism of the U.S., the IB entities demonstrate a strong pro-U.S. bias and are seen as just another set of vehicles for pro-U.S. propaganda.

How will we ever gain credibility in our international communications efforts without any journalistic backbone, and without showing not just "both sides" but a whole plethora of viewpoints surrounding pertinent issues? How can we ourselves understand the issues until we do so??

We have to LISTEN. We won't get anywhere by working to refute every criticism leveled at our country, because many criticisms are VALID. I love my country and am prepared to defend what I feel we do right, but I certainly know that there are areas that need a lot of improvement, and there are many failed foreign policies. We need to talk, and to have exchanges with other peoples to understand their points of view, and to improve our approaches to how we deal with people in many parts of the world. If we are, as the BBG expresses, aiming to encourage the free flow of information and the freedom of expression, then whatever flows back to us must be taken into consideration, analyzed carefully, and then our policies must be adjusted accordingly.

Like Walter Isaacson, BBG Chairman, I think many of these folks are still looking to "triumph" against some foe (there always has to be a foe), and to "win this struggle," (as Isaacson said at the Aspen Institute in Sept 2010) against whomever today's adversary appears to be, rather than seeking win-win scenarios with other countries, and entering into true exchanges of ideas with those countries' citizens. If we really want to be seen as credible, and not have U.S. IB initiatives die one slow death after the other, then that's what needs to happen.

Back to public radio--I am still thinking about that one. I now contribute to one of the public radio stations I enjoy so much, WAMU, and I am thinking that maybe that is okay, that we can all contribute if we want to, and not contribute if we dislike the way the news is presented, or if we don't feel represented. However, I have to say that I would rather have my government help sponsor (even a small percentage of) what I consider to be credible news networks like the public radio stations people enjoy throughout the country than to keep paying for IB initiatives that are routinely discredited overseas. Maybe the BBG is not the answer--maybe we need to find a new way forward.

Mixed Messages: The US' (Mis)Communication Problem

The United States has a bit of a dilemma on its hands. We are experiencing an increased level of interest in Public Diplomacy, Strategic Communications, and Social Media, but the State Department doesn't really yet understand the best methods for reaching their target audiences. The Foreign Relations Committe Report from June 2010 flatly states as such in the first few paragraphs. The major issue, I believe is the US' past reliance on "market forces" or similar to do the heavy lifting, so to speak. Merely having the VOA, Radio Free Asia, Alhurra, and other US-sponsored news, entertainment, and communications agencies in the general target regions is not enough to make target audiences tune in.

I think a more pressing issue is that it is becoming increasingly untenable to try and deliver multiple messages to discrete groups worldwide, let alone the same geographical region. If we do encourage more people to get linked into social media and telecom networks to foster democratic and civil society ideals, we are also risking one group being exposed to messages intended for the other; all in all, an exercise in both redundancy and confusion. At least, this is what more traditional Foreign Policy experts would say to this prospect.

We've discussed this in class somewhat, but the USA could do a lot better through its various information agencies if it wasn't so afraid of bad press or imperfections in message. It would likely go a long way towards improving relations with foreign publics if the US would cop to its media missteps more quickly, honestly, and with genuine candor, rather than officious airs. Similarly, if we can create a consistent theme for discussion and transmission over the airwaves, then the individual message and method of delivery could be left up to the experts in each divisions' office. Who is to say that every PD effort needs to go through the same sort of channels in every instance? Some regions might respond better to radio, others might cotton to Twitter. I think that the implementation of our country's PD can not be handled  by Secretary Clinton making speeches condemning Internet censoring; rather, we need people on the ground to actively promote these ideals.

Sunday, February 27, 2011

New Age Diplomacy

Israel elicits different feelings across citizens from around the world. Ask a Jew, and they might mention how essential Zionism is. Ask a Muslim and they may mention the oppression of the Palestinians. Israel faces a troubling trend amongst many liberal youth, who, whether they're Jewish or not, are not necessarily Zionistic, and ambivalent about Israel at best. Previous generations, not as far removed from World War II, view the preservation of a Jewish state much more adamantly than do younger generations.

What to do? (See link below)

Some former IDF soldiers are taking to the Internet to help influence public opinion. They've created a web  site called, "Friend a Soldier" where passerby's can ask any question to the troop. Their hope, is that through their responses (cordial I'm assuming) they'll change perceptions toward Israel for the better. Another interesting venue for engagement in PD. They're called digital ambassadors. The results remain to be seen.

http://www.shalomlife.com/eng/14742/Israel%27s_Public_Relations_Gets_a_Brand_New_Face/

Monday, February 21, 2011

Raymond Davis: Blackwater/CIA operative

So apparently it's official. Raymond Davis is a CIA contractor, employed by XE Services (formerly Blackwater). This is pretty much the most inflammatory information that could have been released in this increasingly heated case. That said, it is perhaps wise of the US to confirm the accusation now, rather than flatly deny it and raise the fallout later down the line. I heard a report over WTOP today about this case, and one of the major issues in this case is Davis' physical protection. According to the report, Davis has a private area in the prison he is being held in, and his guards are forbidden to carry guns. Dogs test his food for poison at each meal. This treatment is because of the explicit threat of death from angry Pakistanis. President Obama is at this juncture calling for Davis' release, so that he can be brought back to the US. If this happens, it will undoubtedly be one more bit of tarnish on the strained relationship between the US and Pakistan, if Davis' actions have not already given enough fuel to the fire.

Of course, the US can not allow one of its citizens to be a victim of vigilante justice, especially in a foreign country. The Pakistani government, for what it's worth, must understand this, or else they wouldn't be making such a large show of calling for a fair criminal trial. As CNN predicts it, at stake for Pakistan is the billions of dollars in aid and military funding that the US provides annually.

I think that the best outcome for the US will entail presenting a fair face to the global community. While it is likely impossible to have any strong persuasive impact on the Pakistani people at this point, saving face with other countries is a respectable goal. The same holds true for the Pakistani government. If they can avoid a vigilante killing from more traditional sources, then they will appear stronger in the eyes of other governments, and could conceivably come off as a more credible entity to the American public.

Not for the faint of heart

I really enjoyed the Malcolm Gladwell article, "Small Change" (New Yorker, Oct 4, 2010), where Gladwell talks about how activism that attempts to change the status quo is a high-risk endeavor, and, as he says, "not for the faint of heart." Gladwell uses the example of the Woolworth's sit-in in 1960 to point to the fact that the four college students who staged the sit-in had close connections to one another, in addition ot being part of much wider and well-organized group of activists who were all concerned with gaining civil rights for Blacks in the South.

Gladwell's article reminded me of witnessing first-hand the coup d'etat that took place in Mali in 1991. I was a Peace Corps volunteer assigned to teach English at the national teacher training college, and came to Mali right when the unrest began. I went to class one day and, once again, no one was there, so I looked around and finally found a huge crowd of students in an ampitheater. I walked in the back and was almost thrown out immediately (they thought I was a journalist) until some of my students saw me and said, "It's okay! She's our English teacher," so they let me stay, standing in the back, to see what was going on.

It happened that I'd walked in on the decisive meeting of the high school and college students, who decided collectively that they would lay down their lives to oust Moussa Traore, the military dictator who had ruled their country for 23 years. One student told me, "We have no future as it is. We have nothing to lose." I was absolutely terrified for them--I must've cried all the way home thinking that my students were about to get killed for their cause.

In the following months it was indeed the students who started the overthrow, blocking roads and protesting in the streets. They were soon joined by the working class, at which point the protests paralyzed the capital. At one juncture while marching, they were fired upon by the military, and between 300-400 people lost their lives, many of them our young students. Finally, grieving Malian mothers marched to the presidential palace, les seins nus, as a way to humiliate the soldiers who had fired upon and killed their family members, and it was at that point that the soldiers didn't fire at the mothers but rather put down their weapons, and Moussa Traore was finally deposed.

These were not people who were just texting the day before--they were peoplewho had suffered oppression for decades, and who showed extreme courage in the face of grave danger in order to change the way their society was run. They succeeded, but God was the whole thing scary.

It also made me think about what Clay Shirky said in his article, "The Political Power of Social Media Subtitle: Technology, the Public Sphere, and Political Change" (Foreign Affairs, Jan-Feb 2011), about the fact that when big change happens, it's successful when there are "governments in waiting," basically people who are ready to step in and promote the right kind of change. In Mali, Amadou Amani Toure, a military leader, stepped in and deposed Moussa Traore, and then he did something really shocking--he announced that he was setting up a transitional government, and that elections would take place in a year, and when a new president was elected (not Toure) he quite gracefully stepped out. It was the most wonderful thing! Almost unprecedented in the region at the time. And guess what? About ten years later ATT was legitimately elected President, and had since been reelected to a second five-year term.

The population was ready for that change. At the teacher training college, I supervised a number of my student's senior theses, and many of them were, in fact, interested in the civil rights leaders in the U.S. during the sixties. They were taking the lessons, even if the ideas came from books and not the internet, and applying them to their lives. Their parents had had it rough, and their future was bleak under a dictatorial regime. They were ready for change and were talking about it in school, and in their communities, and trying to figure out how they could bring about a real change within their own cultural context.

The subject of our readings is the overblown idea that social media has started recent revolutions. It hasn't. It has certainly helped to bring about worldwide awareness of political events, but the reality is that technology can't take credit--it comes organically from the evolution of a whole society. As awareness builds, and as things evolve, it just finally tips and people cross over and delve into activism, sometimes for the first time in their lives, spurred on by their family, friends and neighbors, to fight for change.

People can be influenced from the outside, but the impetus comes from within, when people are ready, and that's when you see the high-risk and often high-gain (or "nothing to lose") activism that makes people put their lives on the line. It happens, as Gladwell says, when they people have strong social ties to their fellow activists, and are well-organized. Local leaders obtain a following and are listened to and well-respected, I think, when everyone believes that they are acting in the best interests of their fellow citizens.

Social media and Internet offerings are fabulous for connecting people, and for learning more about world events, and they way people live and think throughhout the world. But they are not the trusted, intimate source that usually is the one that convinces us to do something. Ideas can help, though, and add in to help get citizens to the tipping point where they are ready to act. It would've been so fabulous back when I was teaching in Mali to have been able to look some things up, for example, about Martin Luther King, Jr. or Malcolm X when my students had questions. But you know what? They found out about them and were discussing their ideas anyway.

Imagine, though, how much more Malian students know now, and have access to, by being able to get on the Internet. Younger students can also look up information about what happened in Tunisia and Egypt, and what is now happening in Libya, Yemen and Bahrain. They can look up information about their own country's history, and the succession of rulers the country has had to arrive where they are today. But in addition, they'll also hear about their own country's history first-hand from their parents and grandparents, who can tell them about the events of 1991.

As Shirky says, "A slowly developing public sphere, where public opinion relies on both media and conversation, is the core of the environmental view of Internet freedom." In Mali, Internet access is not free but it is uncensored, and so both knowledge from the Internet, radio, and TV, along with the conversations they will have with the people in their society and others will help them form their own ideas, and move things forward in a way that works for Malians.

A Different View of the Raymond Davis Affair

As the Raymond Davis affair continues, its PD implications deserve coverage. Mr Jan over at PD Globbers has beaten me to the punch. I would like to offer a response to his post and show how the Davis episode shows the limits of network diplomacy.

Pakistan’s PD has much more to lose with respect to the Davis affair than does the American P.D. Opinions of America in Pakistan are near rock bottom.[1] So, if Pakistan frees Davis or America frees him by force, Pakistanis will just continue with their near-pathological hatred of the West and the U.S. in particular. However, if the Pakistani government decides to try Davis in a judicial system known for craven populism, the result will be very grave.[2] In terms of public diplomacy, Americans will see an image of Davis in the clutches of a kangaroo court with crowds of Islamist political party’s calling for his death. The humiliation would be so noxious that pressure from the public and opinion makers would force Congress to cut off aid to Pakistan. That would have real consequences for Pakistan’s veritable army of rent-seeking bureaucrats.

American threats of withdrawing aid would clearly be an example traditional diplomacy. The Davis affair shows how appeals to international law, a PD effort, albeit a weak one, can go side by side coercion. The simultaneous wielding of both public diplomacy tools and traditional diplomacy is something that only states can do. Certainly, the promise of network diplomacy and public-private partnerships that target diffuse groups should not be ignored. However, these new initiatives should be long term complement to more traditional PD efforts because the new efforts cannot respond as effectively in a crisis.



[1] http://pewglobal.org/database/?indicator=1&country=166

[2] http://www.economist.com/node/18114729

A Different View of Raymond Davis Affair

As the Raymond Davis affair continues, its PD implications deserve coverage. Mr Jan over at PD Globbers has beaten me to the punch. I would like to offer a response to his post and show how the Davis episode shows the limits of network diplomacy.

Pakistan’s PD has much more to lose with respect to the Davis affair than does the American P.D. Opinions of America in Pakistan are near rock bottom.[1] So, if Pakistan frees Davis or America frees him by force, Pakistanis will just continue with their near-pathological hatred of the West and the U.S. in particular. However, if the Pakistani government decides to try Davis in a judicial system known for craven populism, the result will be very grave.[2] In terms of public diplomacy, Americans will see an image of Davis in the clutches of a kangaroo court with crowds of Islamist political party’s calling for his death. The humiliation would be so noxious that pressure from the public and opinion makers would force Congress to cut off aid to Pakistan. That would have real consequences for Pakistan’s veritable army of rent-seeking bureaucrats.

American threats of withdrawing aid would clearly be an example traditional diplomacy. The Davis affair shows how appeals to international law, a PD effort, albeit a weak one, can go side by side coercion. The simultaneous wielding of both public diplomacy tools and traditional diplomacy is something that only states can do. Certainly, the promise of network diplomacy and public-private partnerships that target diffuse groups should not be ignored. However, these new initiatives should be long term complement to more traditional PD efforts because the new efforts cannot respond as effectively in a crisis.


[1] http://pewglobal.org/database/?indicator=1&country=166

[2] http://www.economist.com/node/18114729

U.S. Still Chasing The Tail of China

I read an interesting piece from USC Center on Public Diplomacy today (see link below). The author details how not only do Americans suffer a lopsided trade agreement, they're being outworked on the diplomacy front as well. From the cultural institutes the Chinese are building across the world (including the U.S.) to the funds allocated for international media. China seems to grasp the importance of influence, and has garnered the necessary money (THANKS USA!!) to beat the USA using soft powers.

More telling, is when the author lauds the coherence of the Chinese strategy. Last week we discussed how our various governmental agencies often conflict in messaging. This is a major miscalculation as it makes our diplomacy look unprofessional and inconsistent. Will it cost us in the long run? It already has. And we're literally paying the price.

http://uscpublicdiplomacy.org/index.php/newswire/cpdblog_detail/lugar_report_offers_a_realistic_appraisal_of_chinese_public_diplomacy/